The Great Malaysian Experiment

Now that all the election dust had settled, one thing is clear - that the just concluded election outcome was a freak. This is because if the government, the people and even the opposition were caught unaware, then the result can only be described as freakish. From press reports, interviews and analysis, it is clear that this was more the results of protest votes against the ruling BN and not so much the support for the untested Opposition. Is this a bad omen for Malaysia? On the contrary, I think this is a golden opportunity and I call it the Great Malaysian Experiment.

This is because if such freakish outcome had not resulted, then the status quo of poor governance, non-accountability, corruption, nepotism, cronyism and wastage will continue. All this because nobody was willing to test the unknown. Until now every Malaysian is willing to tolerate the abuses and excesses of the government of the day; all this because of the lack of a credible and untested hodgepodge Opposition. All this changed unexpectedly after the last general election; and this presented Malaysia with an opportunity that may never happen again.

It will be interesting to see how the federal government deal with the state government held by the opposition. From previous experience, when Terengganu was under the control of PAS, the Federal government withhold the oil royalty to the state Government and was able to get away with it. This was partly because of the very poor representations of the Opposition in the Parliament. But this has changed since last Saturday. Not only are there now more Opposition MPs in Parliament, they now control five states. On top of that, the states government are under the control of different parties making up the Opposition. Hence, it will not be so easy nor practical now to just withhold state funds that are due to the states under Opposition control. Then there are other issues like foreign investments, and the megaprojects spanning across state lines. How the BN will handle these situations may be the precedents for future governments' dealings with states under the Opposition control. Because of the two-tier election where a voter gets to vote for the state and federal government, there may arise the possibility of the federal government and all or most of the state governments being governed by the opposing camps. This was unthinkable until last Saturday.

Then there is the problem of how the states relate to each other. Previously, because all the states were controlled by the same party which also made up the federal government, states relation was not much an issue. However now the states are essentially controlled by different parties. How are states controlled by the different party making up the loose coalition of Opposition going to deal with each other? Friendly and tolerant or mercenary and non-forgiving? This again will be something new to explore.

Previously, change of government was very smooth. The Sultan was merely mentioned in passing. Whoever was appointed the Mentri Besar by the respective party will just be sworn in. This also changed after last Saturday. The swearing-in of the Menteri Besar for Perlis, Terengganu, Perak and Selangor was delayed; apparently because the Sultan has not endorsed the appointee. What will happen if the compromised appointee of the loose Opposition grouping is not endorsed and further disagreement of the candidates cannot be resolved? What will be the role of the Sultan then? Never before has the role of the Sultan been scrutinised so closely. As of yesterday, we now know the Sultan has the ultimate authority to choose a Menteri Besar when the candidate from PAS was choosen as the Menteri Besar for Perak even though he was from the smallest victorious party and had the objection of the largest party making up the Opposition governing the state. How will this affect the working relationships of the parties making up the coalition of Opposition?

This also brings in the question the state constitution which stipulates that the Menteri Besar should be a Malay Muslim; and only the Sultan has the power to waive it. This is pertinent because of the situation in Perak where the DAP won 18 seats compared to PKR's 7 and PAS's 6. Under normal circumstances, the party with the largest assemblymen will be made the Menteri Besar or Chief Minister. But in this case, clearly it is not possible. Therefore question arise as to under what circumstances will the Sultan exempt the requirement, if at all?

Now that the Perak MB has been appointed, it will be interesting to see how effective a minority leader can be. Even if the two Malay-based party of PKR and PAS combined, it is still in the minority. Can the minority leader be effective in implementing policies that he may not really believe in but was 'forced' to accept due to concensus within the Opposition? Or will he just be happy to be a puppet leader whose action is being dictated by the majority party?

The Islamic party of PAS now has two states where it has the majority, that of Kelantan and Kedah. In Kelantan, PAS introduced strict Muslim laws despite the protest of the non-Muslim minority. However in Kedah, its newly appointed MB has promised that the same strict Islamic law will not be implemented in Kedah because of the differences in the ethnic demographics. This beg the question of how one can decide when to implement Muslim law and when not to; without being seen to have double standards and pretentious. And even if it is possible to have differential laws applied to different states, how can PAS justify itself as an Islamic party with Islamic ideals? A very interesting situation to see as it unfolds.

The Opposition has already declared that they will abolish the affirmative policy in the states they control. This was proclaimed in Penang and Selangor. It will be a new testing ground for such a proclamation. Firstly how will the Malays view such a move? Secondly, how will it affect race relations? It has to be remembered that the affirmative policy was introduced after the racial riot of 1969, blamed on the disparity in wealth distribution among the races. Will its abolition further threaten the already fragile and fractured race relation in Malaysia? Or will it be something positive, both for the bumis and non-bumis, alike? Only time will tell.

Because of all the above 'experiments', this last election presented itself as a golden opportunity where many unknowns exist that can be tried and tested simultaneously. And, as an added bonus, lessons learned from the situations in the states can be projected and applied to the federal level. Minority leader, role of the King, the abolition of the affirmative action and the very unlikely take over of the PAS as the ruling federal government may happen someday; although unlikely and unthinkable. But last Saturday all that changed. So whatever the outcome from this general election, it can only benefit Malaysians and not otherwise.

Malaysia is now at a crossroad. The people wanted change and change is what they get. Now it is left to the law makers to make good this change. Opportunities abound for the Opposition to make good their promise and to prove themselves. The ruling BN also has the opportunity to re-invent and to make itself relevent to current and future generations. The political landscape and mindset is given a chance to change and to adjust. This maybe the only opportunity Malaysia has to better herself and its people. Hopefully, the Great Experiment will be a success.

[Update 14 March: Since this post was published, the appointment of the Perak Menteri Besar had been postponed due to differences between DAP-PKR-PAS. There should be good lessons to be learned from this incident]